Tuesday, March 11, 2025

Fourth International expresses firm support of Ukrainian people’s resistance to Russian invasion

 Reproduced below is the resolution adopted by a large majority of delegates attending the recent world congress of the Fourth International. I believe it correctly situates the war in its geopolitical context and extends internationalist solidarity with the resistance of the Ukrainian people to the Russian imperialist invasion. An alternative resolution, which essentially disparages the Ukrainian resistance and opposes its armament, is also reproduced on the FI website. It was rejected by the congress. – R.F.

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The 18th World Congress of the Fourth International took place in Belgium from 23 to 28th February. The wide-ranging discussion covered the international situation in all its aspects from the structural polycrisis in its environmental, economic, social and political aspects to the movements of resistance, and the need to build and strengthen our own International. One particular point of debate was how as internationalist revolutionary Marxists we express our opposition to the Russian invasion of Ukraine and our solidarity with the resistance of the Ukrainian people to this invasion, to the neoliberal policies of the Zelensky government and to neoliberal militarization.

We publish here the resolution presented by the majority of the outgoing IC, approved by the congress by 95 votes in favour, 23 against, 3 abstentions and 5 no votes, and the alternative resolution presented by a number of delegations rejected 31 for, 80 against, 9 abstentions.

1. In February 2022, Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in an attempt to turn the country into a Russian satellite. This attempt has caused hundreds of thousands of dead and wounded already. But the regime in Moscow has long been characterised by expansionist Greater Russian imperialist ideology, which sees superpowers as endowed with the right to extend their zone of influence by all means possible, challenging established norms of international law and legitimising a new era of imperialist redistribution. Thus, for the Kremlin, the daily increasing human cost of this aggression is no reason to cease it, and further intensification is instrumental to terrorise the Ukrainian people into submission.

2. What was supposed to be a "special military operation" to bring down the Kyiv government in a matter of days has turned into a three-year entanglement in full-scale war. This development was unexpected not only for Putin but also for the Western powers—Biden even offered to help Zelensky evacuate. It is precisely the determination and resilience of the Ukrainian resistance that has thwarted Putin's plans to this day.

3. The invasion of Ukraine was not only an attempt to reassert the role of Russia in the capitalist competition but also a deliberate attempt to tighten control over Russian society and crush all dissent. Anti-war activists have been prosecuted and sentenced to long prison terms on trumped charges. Socialist organisations, such as that of our comrades in the Russian Socialist Movement, have been forced to disband, and their members have had to flee. While feminists continue to mobilise, they do it under constant pressure with threats of imprisonment for even uttering the word "war".

4. As internationalists, we defend Ukraine's right to self-determination and their right to resist the invasion. People's movements are an integral part of this resistance, waging a struggle on two fronts: against the occupants and against the Zelensky government. In this unequal fight, we stand together with other progressive forces in the country. We urge all internationalist left to develop political and material solidarity with trade unionists, feminists, and social and democratic activists in Ukraine. Just as the Fourth International has been doing this since the beginning of the aggression within the framework of the "European Network of Solidarity with Ukraine" (ENSU/RESU) and together with the Ukrainian left-wing organisation, Sotsialnyi Rukh.

5. Once again, we underline that we have no illusions about the nature of Ukraine’s regime. Their government is right-wing and neo-liberal, not shying away from mobilising fear to stay in power. It is just as keen to satisfy domestic capitalists as to reassure the Western powers of its ability to adapt to their demands. Its anti-social and anti-democratic policies are counter-productive in terms of defending Ukraine. They oppose the needs of its working classes, provoke their resentment, undermine social trust, and, as a result, the government relies on increasingly authoritarian measures. This makes standing with the Ukrainian wage earners and their organisations all the more important. We cannot abandon them when they desperately need solidarity, especially if our vision of emancipation is that of a struggle from below, where the people rise to fight, independant from the government and the great powers.

6. Russia's attack on Ukraine is part of the global crisis of capitalism, increasing inter-imperialist tensions, and the rise of the far right and militarism. The Russian regime has been interfering in Ukraine, Armenia, Georgia, and Kazakhstan, backed Bashar El Assad's reactionary regime, and has been increasing its involvement in Africa. The United States is maneuvring in South America, Asia-Pacific, Europe and Africa, keeps arming Israel and supporting all its aggressions. France, for its part, is trying to hold on in Africa, too and is repressing the Kanak independence fighters. That is not to mention how Putin’s war of aggression generally revitalised NATO, previously declared “braindead,” and allowed major Western powers to strengthen and expand it.

7. By invoking the Russian invasion, Western governments pretend to be powerless to support those hit by inflation and increasing energy costs, thus tacitly undermining the solidarity they appeal to. In the meantime, right-wing forces are increasingly targeting Ukrainian refugees or pitting them against other migrants.

8. Admittedly, the support that the USA and Western governments are giving to Ukraine is  not based on anti-colonial viewpoint given how they enable Israel's colonialism to go unchecked. Western imperialist powers are using the war to try and weaken their Russian rival while at the same time using Ukraine's need for aid to impose their own stranglehold on the country. However, this is no reason when the Ukrainian people, in their hour of need, deserve all the means necessary to defend themselves, to refuse such means, or for us to sabotage their provision.

9. Now it is up to the left to mobilise and demand that support to Ukraine's people is given unconditionally, instead of being tied to implementing and deepening neoliberal measures. This is why we call for the immediate and full cancellation of Ukrainian debt, respect for labour law, and maintenance of public services, the expropriation of big capitalists, and the fight against corruption to aid the Ukrainian people and oppose imperialist power.

10. Today's globally increased arms spending shows that more than ever, we must campaign against the insane programmes of mutual strategic rearmament, particularly nuclear, against the arms trade, which is very often directed towards dictatorships, and for democratic control (nationalisation) of the arms industry - at the same time as we support the right of colonised peoples to defend themselves, including by arms.

11. As we write these lines, Russia is launching new attacks. The destruction of whole towns, infrastructures and ecosystems serves to impose the hold of Great Russian imperialism, as are the abduction and deportation of children, the destruction of Ukrainian culture, and the suppression of freedoms in the occupied zones. Putin is open about his demands punishing Ukraine for stubbornness: recognition of the illegal territorial acquisitions; replacement of Zelensky's “illegitimate and Nazi” government; drastic reduction of the Ukrainian armed forces; non-membership of NATO.

12. It is clear that part of the far right in the West would prefer an agreement with Putin that would enhance their shared ultra-reactionary agenda, and that would leave Ukraine powerless and divided, reduced to a neo-colony of Russia. The government of China provides concrete support to the Kremlin while presenting demands for Ukrainian surrender as proposals for negotiations. A section of the European and US ruling classes may also be tempted at some point by a peace that would give Putin some satisfaction but would also restore trade relations with Russia and China.

13. Trump now considers the Ukrainians to be responsible for the war. His predatory, mercantilist stance, demanding "repayment" for past aid to Ukraine through the seizure of the country's mineral and rare earth resources, and other privileges to come, is a particularly brutal and odious illustration of this logic.

14. Parts of the self-proclaimed anti-war left agree with this and are prepared to leave Ukraine at the permanent mercy of the Russian regime, either out of anti-U.S. campism or pacifism. We believe that any 'peace' based on such conditions and imposed against the will of the Ukrainian people will only be the prelude to more occupation and violence in the future. Now, it is time for the left to build its own credible strategy on security based on popular participation and  control. This has become more crucial than ever in the face of the inter-imperialist “deals” struck between Trump and Putin.

The only lasting solution to this war can be reached through:

- non-recognition of annexations and the complete withdrawal of Russian troops;

- subjecting any negotiations and agreements to the democratic control of the people;

- ensuring Ukraine's ability to defend itself against any future imperialist encroachments.

A lasting peace is possible only when it is based:

- on the right of Ukraine and its constituent minorities to freely determine their future and develop their cultures, independent of external pressure, the interest of the oligarchs, neoliberal ruling regimes or extreme right-wing ideologies;

- on the respect for political, social, and labour rights, including the right to strike, peaceful assembly, and free elections;

- on the right of all refugees and people displaced by the war to return home or settle in the countries where they currently reside;

- on having Putin’s dictatorship dismantled and all political prisoners and prisoners of war free.

We see our fight against the war in Ukraine as part of a struggle against militarism and imperialism. The fight against the war and for international solidarity requires:

dismantling  all NATO, CSTO, and AUKUS military blocs;

establishment of a  system of international relations based on equality of all nations,  control from below, open diplomacy and condemnation of all forms of imperialist and nationalist aggression;

- cancellation of the Ukrainian debt;

- the creation, under the control of Ukraine’s citizens, of a fund for reconstruction, defence and the improvement of living conditions, financed by exceptional taxes on the profits of Western capitalists who conducted business with their Russian counterparts and the profits of arms companies and other war profiteers, as well as by the expropriation of the fortunes of Russian and Ukrainian oligarchs.

28 February 2025

 

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